By Sophie Soloway ’23
Global Editor
On Jan. 15, protesters took to the streets in Tunis, the capital city of Tunisia. Just under two weeks later, demonstrations have spread to at least 15 locations in the country. Protesters, reportedly organized by left-wing and human rights groups, have made broad demands for economic aid and an end to political corruption. They have been met with an enforced lockdown, widespread arrests and public acknowledgment of economic strife by political leaders.
In the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic, Tunisian officials have urged protesters to halt their gatherings. According to the Associated Press, these concerns for public health are likely forming already; Tunisia reported 103 deaths related to the virus on Thursday, the highest rate yet recorded in the country.
Falling on the 10-year anniversary of the Arab Spring movement, many protesters and onlookers alike have drawn parallels to the movement and the subsequent introduction of Tunisia’s constitutional government.
Mount Holyoke Assistant Professor of Politics Ali Aslam commented, “The Arab Spring began in Tunisia, and it is the only country that successfully removed its long-standing dictator and transitioned to open and contested elections.”
However, as Aslam pointed out, the apparent success of the Arab Spring protests did not necessarily produce perfect conditions for Tunisian citizens.
“Those freedoms have not translated into economic stability, and the recent protests are driven by [the fact] that the [government] has not delivered on its promises,” Aslam continued. “The revolution’s demand[s] for ‘dignity and justice’ ha[ve] been left unsatisfied since many young people cannot find work.”
Nearly one-third of young people in Tunisia struggle with unemployment, according to The New York Times. While economic unrest has not been uncommon since the introduction of a new constitutional government in the state, COVID-19’s fiscal impacts have certainly worsened the situation..
Sohail Hashmi, a Mount Holyoke professor of international relations and politics, noted, “A lot of Tunisian young people … are employed by the service sector, which has been decimated by COVID-19. You don’t see tourists flocking around the world.” Without support in this critical aspect of the country’s economy, long-standing rates of unemployment have been exacerbated.
However, Hashmi commented that this history of resistance in Tunisia may be seen as a point of hope for both protesters and the country’s government. “One of the reasons why the protests are so visible there, ironically, is not because Tunisia is in such dire straits. It’s because Tunisia is relatively successful,” he noted. “And by that I mean [that] Tunisia is the one single bright spot in the entire history of the Arab Spring. Not only was a dictator removed from power, but the country has achieved a relatively stable and successful transition to a functioning democracy.”
Few have made predictions regarding the possible outcomes of the ongoing movement. Despite this, Aslam commented that there is still much to be learned from the Tunisian protests.
For him, “the lesson here is that freedom and the desire for security are frequently opposed, and it is under these conditions that the commitment to democratic freedom is put under real pressure. If we understand freedom as the power of people to act collectively, we can comprehend what a rare achievement that has been in the history of not just Tunisia or North Africa, but humankind.”